His
partizans endeavoured to obtain from him a guarantee that this Corn Law
of 1842 should, as far as he was concerned, be a final measure; but,
although he tells us, that he did not then contemplate the necessity for
further change, he uniformly refused to fetter either the Government or
himself by such an assurance. Yet, in proposing the introduction of the
tariff in 1842, he seems to have foreshadowed future and still more
liberal legislation on the subject. "I know that many gentlemen," he
said, "who are strong advocates for free trade may consider that I have
not gone far enough. I know that. I believe that on the general
principle of freetrade there is _now no great difference of opinion; and
that all agree_ in the general rule, that we should purchase in the
cheapest market, and sell in the dearest."
The opposition, more especially the freetraders, received this sentiment
with rapturous applause, so the adroit statesman added: "I know the
meaning of those cheers. I do not now wish to raise a discussion on the
Corn Laws or the Sugar duties, which (I contend) are exceptions from the
general rule."[71] His exceptions were futile, because they were
illogical, which of course he must have known; they were therefore only
meant to reassure, to some extent, the affrighted Protectionist
gentlemen behind him.
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